NEWSLETTER NO. 4/01
TASK FORCE ON UNDER-REPRESENTED GROUPS IN SURVEYING
Land Tenure Perspectives of
Ester Boserup's Works
by Karin Haldrup, Denmark
Personalities: Natalia Filippovich, Belarus
Land Tenure Perspectives
of Ester Boserup's Works
Ester Boserup, 1910-1999
by Karin Haldrup
In the latest review of the World Bank, "Land Policy and
Administration - Lessons learned and new challenges for the Bank's
development agenda", 2001, edited by Klaus Deininger, there
is included a comprehensive list of references on land tenure issues, most
of which are rather re-cent works. One of the older ones, from 1965, "The
economics of Agrarian Change under Population Pressure", by Ester
Boserup, arose my interest both due to its title, age and not the least
its author. She was a Danish economist, who qualifies for further interest
by land surveyors for a number of reasons: She was an economist with an
attentive eye on land tenure systems - one could say as a forerunner for Hernando
de Soto - and for the role of women in development.
The present paper intends to present highlights from her works, which
include a substantial contribution to understanding of the development of
land tenure systems and the role of women in development. It appears to me
that she had an ability to analyse, concentrate and present complex issues
in a clear form. She was broadly oriented professionally and had a creative
multidisciplinary approach. Due to this clarity and the classical themes of
her papers, there are reasons to believe that her works can still be
inspiring and relevant.
Let Ester Boserup (EB) present herself (ref. 4, page 7):
"I was born in Copenhagen in 1910. My professional life
started in 1929 with studies at the University of Copenhagen, from
which I graduated in 1935 as "cand. polit.". This discipline
placed its main emphasis on theoretical economics, but allowed the
students a choice of other subjects. So I also attended lectures on
sociology and agricultural policy.
After graduating, I spent more than two decades as a civil servant,
first a decade in the economic administration in Denmark, and doing
research in the United Nations and its agencies. The rest of my career
I worked as a consultant and independent researcher. In my work for
the United Nations, I had benefited from cooperating with
representatives of many disciplines, and I continued to have many
contacts with non-economists, and was invited to many
multi-disciplinary international meetings.
My own research focused on the interplay of economic and
non-economic factors in the process of social change, both today and
in the past, viewing human societies as dynamic relationships between
natural, economic, cultural, and political structures, instead of
trying to explain them within the framework of one or a few
Perhaps I should add, that EB lived in Geneva 1947-57, where she worked
for United Nations' Economic Commission for Europe (ECE), in India from
1957-60 and 1964-65 in Senegal. Furthermore, she has travelled /worked
extensively in Southeast Asia and in Africa as a consultant and researcher
for the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and international organisations.
She was married to Mogens Boserup, also an economist, with whom she
had three children. It is easy to get an overview of her works, as she wrote
a handy description and index herself at the mature age of 88, ref. 4 "My
professional life and publications 1929-1998", 62 pp., which was
published the same year as she died, in 1999.
In the following there will be selected extracts of these
books spiced with a few comments to give the reader an idea of her thinking.
Ref. 1. "The Conditions of Agricultural Growth, The
Economics of Agrarian Change under Population Pressure." 1965
Ester Boserup made observations concerning more or less
intensive, agricultural systems in Asia and Europe, ranging from long
fallow-systems to multi-cropping-systems, which were also used in Latin
America and Africa. She argued that they were adaptations not to differences
in environment and culture, but to differences in population densities.
Considering the massive changes in population experienced currently through
migration, diseases (HIV/AIDS) and disasters, the inter-linking of tenure
systems into this broader context is relevant.
Ref. 4, page 20:
"When seen in world perspective, the process of
agricultural intensification under population pressure consists in the
taking into use of much more effective techniques that come into existence
through a gradual change of the environment: a forested landscape becomes
a landscape of fields with shorter and shorter fallow, dry land becomes
irrigated, hilly land terraced, etc. etc. The larger population need not
go hungry, as the classical economists assumed and with them the
Neo-Malthusians. Instead, the increasing population gradually transformed
the environment, and this led to a different diet and new techniques of
cultivation, which often led to structural change and affected property
rights in land and the whole social system.
As a consequence of these observations I wrote my book on
"The conditions of Agricultural Growth", which focuses on the
interrelationship between persistent population growth, property rights
and social systems. In a model of population growth (or decline) and
agricultural change, both technology and property rights should be
considered endogenous factors, and the marginal product of labour should
not be considered zero, but positive. The implication is that even if
output per man-hour declines with persistent population growth, that does
not, as in Malthusian theory, imply a decline of per capita food supply,
since that can be prevented by additional use of family (or paid) labour,
In the FAO-paper (Topuzis/du Guerny, SDWP, Nov. 1995) on "Gender,
rural fertility/mortality and land tenure" there can be found an
overview of arguments on the interplay between demographic factors and the
land tenure system, which confirm and provide further elaboration of these
general observations made by Ester Boserup.
What we as surveyors will notice in particular is her
contribution to the understanding of traditional land tenure systems and
their transformation into modern tenure systems, which constitutes a major
part of the book, as can be seen from the index, see insert.
As an example, in Chapter 10, Contest over property rights, Page 91-92,
EB presents the following observations, where she appears to be observing
with the eyes of a land tenure specialist:
. Those who wish, under the western influence, to break away
from the traditional pattern will seek to introduce private ownership of
land in order to create security for individual investments, and this may
create problems with already established feudal landlords or with nomadic
tribes, who want to reserve grazing land as private or tribal property.
But these are not the only problems or even the most difficult ones. The
greatest difficulty lies in the conflicts among the cultivators
themselves, which are inevitable as soon as private ownership of land
emerges in communities, which continue to apply long-fallow systems.
Such conflicts among the cultivators are likely to appear when natural
population growth or concentration of population near urban centres has
been so rapid that the problem of ownership of land has presented itself
while the general right to clearing of plots in common land is still a
living reality and before the individual cultivator families have got
permanent attachment to particular plots of land. If gradual shortening of
fallow has led a cultivator family to cultivate the same land for many
generations, there is little doubt about the land distribution among the
cultivator families; only the problem of elimination of feudal
intermediaries may be at issue. But where the cultivator families are
still moving their cultivation from one plot to another, or did so until
recently, it may be impossible even for the disinterested expert to
disentangle the property rights in a given plot.
The difficulty should be apparent from what was said in the preceding
chapter about the difference between the general right to clear plots,
which is unlimited in time, and the special right to a particular plot
which is limited in time, but may be kept alive by pledging. Such pledging
may be difficult to distinguish from modern lease on one hand and sale of
land on the other. In communities where all these types co-exist and some
or all of the partners in transactions concerning land are illiterate and
have many different ideas of the type of contracts they are making, the
inevitable result is a confused legal situation which is difficult to
handle for the honest judge and easy to misuse for the most clever among
the partners to the transactions."
One can notice that she is free from the Marxist vocabulary of the
époque, which is prevalent in some other contributions on land reform
during the sixties-seventies, where many discussions suffer under being put
into a framework of class, exploitation, capitalists, collectivisation, etc.
inhibiting the professional understanding of the complexities of land tenure
systems. She takes the classical issues as a point of departure for her
book, by arguing that the three basic structures defined by classical
economists: land, labour and capital, have to be reformed to take account of
structural change (ref. 4, page 58-59).
From agriculture EB changed her focus to women issues in her next book:
REF. 2 " Woman's Role in Economic Development", 1970; 2.
In the first edition of the book EB wrote:
"In the vast and ever-growing literature on economic development,
reflections on the particular problems of women are few and far between.
This book will show, I hope, that this is a serious omission. "
This remark had been overtaken by events in 1986 (2. edition), at what
time there had been a rapid improvement in the attention to the issue, which
was evident e.g., from the UN activities on improvement of the role of
Like in the book on agricultural growth, she also covers the theme of the
woman's role in development in a straightforward (perhaps simplified) and
clear fashion. Her ability to concentrate the essence in a clear yet
comprehensive way is demonstrated by the quotation below, which de-scribes
an all too well known phenomena.
(From ref. 2, Preface to the Gower edition (1986)):
"The characteristic features of economic development are
increasing specialization of labour, increasing quantity and quality of
equipment and infrastructure, and better and better education and training
of the labour force. Gradually, as economic development proceeds, more and
more processes and services cease to be performed within the family
household and become supplied by specialized enterprises or public
institutions. As a result, a larger and larger share of the population is
transferred from production within the household for family needs to wage
labour or management jobs in private enterprises and public institutions.
During this process, the need arises for better education and training not
only of men, but also of women, if the society is to function efficiently.
The process of increasing specialization of labour is accompanied both
by an in-creasing hierarchization of the labour force and a gradual
adaptation of the sex distribution of work, both in the family and in the
labour force, to the new conditions. Since men are decision-makers both in
the family and in the labour market, are better educated and trained than
women, and are less burdened with family obligations, they are much more
likely to draw benefit from these changes than women, who tend to end up
at the bottom of the labour market hierarchy. The confinement of all or
most of the female labour force to unskilled routine jobs or low
productivity work with primitive equipment is a wasteful use of labour,
which helps to slow down the rate of economic development.
On the aspects of women and land tenure, there are not too many direct
references in this book, but she covers the role of women in agricultural
production (female and male farming systems) and what she calls "Woman
in a men's world". By small extracts her arguments can be followed
starting with the structure of traditional agriculture to the urban problems
of urbanisation and industrialisation:
"Africa is the region of female farming par excellence. In many
African tribes, nearly all the tasks connected with food production
continue to be left to women. In most of these tribal communities, the
agricultural system is that of shifting cultivation: small pieces of land
are cultivated for a few years only, until the natural fertility of the
In the regions of plough cultivation, agricultural work is
distributed between the two sexes in a very different way. The main
farming instrument in those regions, the plough, is used by men helped by
draught animals, and only the hand operations - or some of them - are left
for women to perform. .."
"But there is an additional and very important difference between
the distribution of work in African shifting cultivation ad in Asian
plough cultivation. The plough is used in regions with private ownership
of land and with a comparatively numerous class of landless families in
Why it remains important how the traditional systems were, is explained
by the fact that the pat-tern is carried along to the urban sector:
"Thus, the activity pattern of immigrant women in the town is
determined primarily by the customary pattern of female employment in the
village, and especially by the extent to which women participate in
non-agricultural activities in the village. Therefore, we must now
summarize our findings concerning female activities in these
non-agricultural occupations at village level. For brevity, we shall refer
to this sphere as the bazaar and service occupations so as to distinguish
it from agriculture on the one hand and from modern occupations on the
"When a country is moving from a primitive to a more advanced
stage of economic evolution, bazaar and service occupations play the
peculiar role of an intermediate step between agriculture and the modern
There is a quite interesting and simple illustration of how the bazaar
economy normally functions as an intermediate stage to the modern sector
"When development is rapid, a considerable number may move
directly from subsistence agriculture to employment in the modern sector
without a temporary stop-over in the bazaar and service sector. Normally,
however, employers in the modern sector prefer to recruit people who were
previously employed in the bazaar and service sector, or their children,
thus vacating the less attractive jobs in the bazaar and service
occupations for new entrants who come direct from the agricultural
"We have been viewing economic development as a gradual movement
of the population from village to town, accompanied by a fundamental
change in the domestic activities of women. But economic development can
also be seen as a gradual movement of the population from agricultural to
non-agricultural occupations. It is important for a correct understanding
of the process of economic development and its implications for the status
of women to bear in mind that these two major shifts - the geographical
migration from village to town and the occupational migration from
agricultural to non-agricultural activities - are just two different
manifestations of the same process of change."
There is data and discussions on the growing complexity of the
distribution of labour between the sexes during impact of colonisation and
the urbanisation. None of these is very encouraging seen from a female
perspective. Women are generally loosing out. She points to the introduction
of cash-cropping with its attendant emphasis upon male-controlled
agricultural intensification as a primary determinant of women's loss of
status and power in African agriculture.
Jean Davison discusses EB's analysis and conclusions in the book "Agriculture,
Women and Land, - the African Experience, 1988, edited by Jean Davison,
saying (pp. 7-8) that while there is no question that colonial capitalism
dramatically transformed the political economy of gender relations in many
African societies, the impact has not been uniform and there are notable
exemptions. Also there is a need to include the significance of women's
procreative labour in addition to the productive labour, as a factor of
social exchange in society, it is argued.
The focus of EB's book is very much on occupational patterns and women's
participation in production, whereas the question on ownership of land and
property is more withdrawn in this context. This shortcoming is made up by
more recent development.
Ref. 3 "Economic and demographic relationships in development"
In the paper "Population, the Status of Women, and Rural
Development", 1990, ref. 3, pp. 161-174, she presents how women's
status varies under three types of family organization and land tenure
arrangements prevalent in rural areas, and argues that the response of rural
populations to economic and demographic change is more or less flexible
depending on the type of family organization. She elaborates on three cases:
- Men and Women Farming Common Land
- Men farming with Women Assisting on Private Land
- Men Farming while Women Remain Secluded.
An interesting discussion in respect to land tenure is her explanation on
the gradual intensification of production on common land and the transition
to individual land tenure, where she sharpens her views compared to (ref.
"Growing population density and increasing cash-crop production
cause a gradual change from common land tenure to private ownership of
land. Men who plant trees or intensive cash crops on common land are
likely to register this land as their property as the amount of
uncultivated land in the area is reduced.
.. With few exceptions,
privatisation of land leads to a deterioration in the status of rural
women. Under the system of common tenure, both male and female community
members had the right to use the land for cultivation either by simply
farming it or by having it assigned to them by the village chief. But only
in exceptional cases is land registered as the property of female
cultivators. The right of ownership becomes vested in the husband, as head
of the family.
As mentioned earlier, common land tenure encourages large family size,
because women and children represent free labour; the more of them a man
has, the more land his family can cultivate. This advantage disappears, of
course, when women lose their cultivation rights through privatisation. A
larger family no longer confers a right to additional land. Moreover, a
private landowner can mortgage or sell land to weather emergencies and
support his old age, while cultivators of common land have no such
recourse, but must rely on help from adult children. Thus, private tenure
provides less inducement to large family size than does common tenure.
However, if privatisation makes men less dependent on help from adult
children, it renders women more dependent on both adult children and
Ester Boserup makes strong statements as the following (ref. 3, pp
"Because men are the decision makers, African societies tend to
make progress in modernization through routes such as privatisation of
land, where men win and women, lose, but they avoid forms of modernization
that would be to the advantage of women - as demonstrated by the nearly
total failure to modernize family legislation. Thus rural African women
are more than ever dependent upon adult children for help in old age and
in case of abandonment by the husband. For such women, voluntary
restriction of fertility is a risky affair, given the persistence of high
child mortality and widespread sub-fecundity in many regions (the latter
due to a variety of sexually transmitted diseases)."
There arguments may suit conditions in other geographic regions, as well.
In line with the themes of Ester Boserup's works, the most recent UNFPA
report, "The State of World Population 2001", covers those
issues in its chapter 4: "Women and the environment",
taking the arguments further. http://www.unfpa.org/swp/2001
For the survey community in general it is remarkable how high on the
agenda land tenure issues are in a report on population, and for the gender
discussion in particular, that the references to land tenure are accentuated
in Chapter 4: Women and the environment. A few statements will be cited in
the following as an appetizer for reading the report:
Under the headline: Powerlessness and Its Impact:
. National law or local customs often effectively deny women
the right to secure title or inherit land, which means they have no
collateral on which to raise credit. Poverty, precarious land tenure and
lack of expert support discourage women from investing in newer
technologies or long-term strategies such as crop rotation, fallow
periods, sustainable levels of cultivation or reforestation."
Women who lack rights to own and manage natural resources often lack
rights in other aspects of their lives, reinforcing gender inequalities.
One legacy of high fertility, lower infant mortality and a limited supply
of land is fragmentation.
Under the headline "Involving Women in Environmental and Health
"Sustainable development demands recognition and value for the
multitude of ways in which women's lives intertwine with environmental
realities. Women's right to own and inherit land should be enforced;
individual and communal security of land tenure should be guaranteed;
women should have access to credit, and to agricultural ex-tension and
resource management services, and they should be included in decisions
about the services' organization and content."
If the FIG ever doubted about the importance of focusing on Gender
issues, justification and support has come from this unexpected side.
Karin Haldrup, Chartered Surveyor
Tel. + 45 4369 1410
Fax +45 4369 2055
Mobile: + 45 2229 0880
Natalia Filippovich graduated in 1981 at
the Belarussian Agricultural Academy, Land Use Planning Faculty, in
Gorki, Mogilev Region. Then she started postgraduate studies at the
Moscow Institute of Engineers of Land Use Planning (Russia). In 1987
Natalia graduated and received the academic degree of candidate of
After Natalia graduated in Moscow she moved to
Minsk (the capital of the Republic of Belarus) the very same year.
Her scientific career began at the Institute for Regional and Land
Planning as a senior research fellow. At the same time she started
to investigate the problems of urban land evaluation, a new problem
for Belarus after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The method
Natalia developed was successfully used in ten towns of Belarus and
two cities in Russia. But, unfortunately, further realizations of
this project were complicated because of missing legislation,
financial problems of local governments and, the main thing, old
In this context Natalia had to change a part of her
activities and she worked three years for the European Humanities
University as the deputy dean of the economics faculty. At the same time
she finished courses of appraisers at the Institute of Privatization and
Management (Minsk) and received a diploma of an expert in property
Since 1998 Natalia has continued her career at the
Institute of Economics of National Academy of Sciences of Belarus where
she is working as an academic (scientific) secretary of the Institute and
a senior research fellow. Fields of her research are the development of
instruments and techniques of land policy at national, regional and local
levels, evaluation and taxation of urban land, urban land tenure in the
conditions of transition economy. All this problems are very relevant for
reforming and developing land relations in Belarus. Natalia also
participate in national and international research projects. Results of
her researches are published in more then in 30 articles in scientific
editions of Belarus and Russia.
In this connection Natalia, as well as many of Belarus
scientists, tries to receive grants for researches abroad. In 2000 she was
trained two months at the Royal Institute of Technology (Stockholm) as a
scholarship holder of the Swedish Institute. The purposes of her research
were study principles, methodological and methodical approach to land
regulations and land management in European countries
Natalia is a member of one of the public organizations
"Land reform", which is member of FIG. In May 2000 as a national
delegate of FIG Commission 3 she participated at the FIG Working Week in
Prague and gave the presentation "Land Cadastre in the Republic of
Her personal interests include reading, theatre,
learning English, meeting with friends and she likes animals very much.
Unfortunately Natalia is a single.
Editor: Chair of the Task Force on Under-represented Groups in
Ms. Gabriele Dasse, Kleinfeld 22a, D-21149 Hamburg,
+ 49 170 9620 453
web site: http://www.fig.net/figtree/tf/underrep/tfunrep.htm
4/01, month of issue: December
© Copyright 2001 Gabriele Dasse.
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